TIME: Almanac 1993/TIME Almanac 1993.iso/time/022690/0226006.000

Text File | 1992-08-28 | 9.0 KB | 191 lines

                                                                                WORLD, Page 26

SOUTH AFRICA

A Hero's Triumphant Homecoming


The streets are alive as Mandela steps back into the political
battle

By JILL SMOLOWE -- Reported by Scott MacLeod/Soweto


    Hero. Unifier. Healer. Savior. Could any one man -- let
alone one who has been cut off from the flow of daily life for
more than 27 years -- live up to such billing? Nelson Mandela
did not disappoint last week as he walked out of 10,000 days in
prison right into the thick of South African politics.

    He seemed a man for all seasons.

    The revolutionary man: "The factors which necessitated the
armed struggle still exist today."

    The public servant: "I stand here before you not as a
prophet, but as a humble servant of you, the people."

    The organization man: "I am a loyal and disciplined member
of the African National Congress."

    The conciliator: "[State President F.W.] de Klerk himself is
a man of integrity."

    And, yes, just the man: "I must confess, I am unable to
describe my emotions."

    With commanding dignity and self-confidence, Mandela
returned to South African life last week and by his very
presence changed the country's political landscape. No longer
were questions of South Africa's future hung up on the issue of
Mandela's release. Now, all parties could begin the still more
difficult task of establishing a new political system. For
Mandela, shoved in front of international cameras before his
eyes could even adjust to the glare of a world he has not seen
since 1962, the challenge will be to unite the fractious and
sometimes violent elements of the black community beneath a
common banner. For De Klerk, the no less daunting challenge will
be to face down assaults from the white community's right wing.
In a strange way, the two men find themselves joined in a mutual
dependence. The success, or failure, of each rests on the
success, or failure, of the other.

    At the moment, the outlook is promising after so many years
of political stalemate. In a major breakthrough, the A.N.C.'s
national executive committee announced late in the week, from
its base of exile in the Zambian capital of Lusaka, that it will
send a delegation to South Africa to begin talks with De Klerk.
The date is not yet fixed, but when the meeting takes place it
will be the first such consultation ever between representatives
of the exiled guerrilla leaders and the government.

    The A.N.C. also said it was prepared to negotiate "a
suspension of hostilities" as soon as its remaining
preconditions are met, which include a lifting of the state of
emergency and the release of all remaining political prisoners.
Two weeks ago, De Klerk signaled he was prepared to discuss both
issues if calm prevails. During last week's welcome-home
celebrations, two people were known to have died.

    Through the week, Mandela demonstrated an acute sensitivity
to the many different audiences he now has to satisfy.
Inevitably, his every word was scrutinized, and each
pronouncement he made brought both cheers and catcalls. His
initial speech on the steps of Cape Town's city hall seemed
designed to signal that years of imprisonment had not taken the
fight out of Mandela. "Now is the time to intensify the
struggle," he exhorted. While he also stated that "there may no
longer be the need for the armed struggle," his words alarmed
some whites, who were particularly discomfited by Mandela's
calls for the nationalization of companies, his appeal for
continued Western sanctions and his effusive salute to the South
African Communist Party.

    But two days later, in his speech before an overexcited
crowd in Soweto, Mandela adopted a markedly different tone,
stressing reconciliation and discipline. "I must make it clear
that the level of crime in our township is unhealthy and must be
eliminated as a matter of urgency," he chided his black
audience. Mandela denounced those who "use violence against our
people," demanded that black students return to the classroom
and reminded militants that he and the A.N.C. are "as opposed to
black domination as we are to white domination." He sought to
heal oozing wounds in the black community by reaching out to
those "who out of ignorance have collaborated with apartheid in
the past." And he spoke unyieldingly on the issues that most
anger blacks: substandard schools, poor housing, inadequate
wages and their continued lack of a vote.

    While his rhetoric was forceful, Mandela signaled that he
was a magnanimous and reasonable man with whom the government
could talk. He went out of his way to make conciliatory gestures
toward the skittish white community, asserting, "Whites are
fellow South Africans, and we want them to feel safe." In Soweto
he called unequivocally for "one person, one vote." But when
asked whether the A.N.C. might be willing to ease that demand,
he responded, "Compromises must be made in respect to every
issue." Earlier, speaking directly to white fears and concerns,
Mandela noted, "They insist on structural guarantees to ensure
that the realization of this demand does not result in the
domination of whites by blacks. We understand those feelings."

    It remains unclear whether the talks between the government
and the A.N.C. will begin before or after Mandela flies to
Lusaka this week to confer with the organization's leaders.
Negotiations may be further delayed if Mandela decides to make a
world tour, meeting with the ailing A.N.C. President Oliver
Tambo in Stockholm, visiting A.N.C. guerrilla camps in Tanzania
and perhaps accepting invitations from President George Bush and
British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to visit their
countries.

    The various delays may irritate the De Klerk government,
which must now be eager for negotiations to get under way. De
Klerk must move quickly to convince white voters that Mandela's
release holds the promise of compromise, and not greater chaos.
In particular, he hopes that with Mandela's help, the final
obstacles to lifting the state of emergency and releasing
political prisoners can be ironed out. From there, De Klerk
expects to proceed to formal negotiations on a new constitution,
a strategy that could pay off handsomely -- or become a
political swamp.

    The government so far is minimizing criticism of Mandela.
While officials characterized his remarks about "armed struggle"
as "unhelpful," the dominant refrain was cautious encouragement.
Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning Gerrit
Viljoen said Mandela's overture to the white community "bodes
well for the possibility of a frank and reasonable discussion."
Viljoen noted that both he and Mandela agreed that the main task
of negotiations would be to reconcile black demands for one
person, one vote with white fears about black domination, but
he cautioned, "You must not be too impatient."

    Pressure on De Klerk is likely to remain strong. Supporters
regard him as a bold innovator of the stripe of Mikhail
Gorbachev, but white detractors say De Klerk is unleashing
forces he cannot control. Ultraright-wing militants are already
gearing for battle. Last week the Conservative Party, made up of
right-wingers who eight years ago broke away from the ruling
National Party because they considered it too conciliatory,
brought treason charges against Mandela and two other
antiapartheid leaders and demanded that they be investigated.

    A protest march in Pretoria drew 15,000 right-wingers. The
Conservatives also organized a week of anti-Mandela rallies and
threatened strikes to force De Klerk from office. "I am not
proclaiming an armed struggle," thundered party leader Andries
Treurnicht. "But if a government does not protect the rights of
its people, what can be expected but that the volk will protect
itself."

    The difficulty for both Mandela and De Klerk will be to
keep their critics at bay as they speed toward negotiations. In
the euphoria over Mandela's release, expectations threaten to
run unreasonably high and trigger a disappointment that will
result in violence. Even once all parties come to the table, no
road map exists for South Africa's future. No one has put
forward a formula that satisfactorily reconciles black demands
for one person, one vote with white fears of being dominated --
or tyrannized -- by a black majority.

    As for Mandela, the burden of his legend seems almost more
than any one man can bear. A study in dignity, intelligence and
unflappability, he is showing amazing grace as he moves from his
symbolic role as a political prisoner to the more demanding one
of a political activist. His challenge will become still tougher
if he begins negotiating some kind of political compromise. "No
individual leader is able to take on these enormous tasks on his
own," he reminded listeners last week. The question is whether
Mandela's children and grandchildren will be as magnanimous --
and patient -- as the elder statesman.